I Know Why Poor Whites Chant Trump

I Know Why Poor Whites Chant Trump, Trump, Trump

  • Despite the fact that there are no hard and fast rules for chanting Om, learning the essential skills of how to make its sound will help you establish a foundation from which you can more effectively connect with the Divine.. The word Om depicts the three stages of the universe’s existence: its inception, preservation, and disintegration. There are seven major chakras in the body, each of which represents a different component of our lives: physical, psychological, and spiritual. The sound of Om begins, travels through, and finally destroys itself through each of the seven chakras. After taking a deep breath, the chanting of Om (Aum) begins in the solar plexus chakra, which is located near the diaphragm and emphasizes the “A” sound of the syllable. As the sound proceeds, the letter “U” helps to maintain the mantra as it travels through the heart, throat, and third eye chakras, ultimately reaching the crown of the head chakra. This last element, “M,” is when the sound melts at the crown chakra, where the mantra has progressed to its final form. Choosing a peaceful location where you may concentrate without being disturbed is the most advantageous option. Starting with the letter “A,” holding the letter “U” a bit longer as it moves through the chakras, and finally finishing on the letter “M,” when your exhale comes to a close, begin chanting while keeping your spine straight. Generally speaking, chanting for at least 15 minutes in a strong but not loud voice is the best way to ensure that you get anything meaningful out of your meditation practice. Chanting Om is ultimately about connecting with the Divine, regardless of the method used.. Everything else will fall into place as long as your intentions are pure and genuine.

Republican Appeal to Whites

At the beginning of class on Tuesday, we saw a video that discussed how both American and global politics have become more polarized. An even more precise essay by Joanna Ivin, “I Know Why Impoverished Whites Chant Trump, Donald, Donald,” discusses why poor white Americans have rallied around Trump and why they shouldn’t continue to do so. Ivan’s upbringing gives the appropriate ethics for her work. She grew up in a working-class white household and, as an adult, worked in bars in rural Arkansas, where she served other working-class white people.

In contrast, it is apparent from her conclusion that she has used the entire body of the piece as an argument for her point of view on the subject.

For example, family values, the sanctity of marriage, and the right to life are all shared beliefs among people of all socioeconomic backgrounds.

Her book also includes a discussion of how Republican leaders used racism in order to get support from white working-class voters: “With whites and Blacks divided, the affluent elite flourished for the next two hundred years.” She closed with a brief biography of each of the two presidential candidates, Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders.

Furthermore, wealthy Republican politicians (as well as the wealthy in general) merely pander to the poor in order to gain votes, and then promptly forget about them once they are in office.

To illustrate how social subsidies for the poor are not “handouts” or “freebies,” she provided a story of her own life to dispel the Republican concept that they are.

qualified for less than $200 a month in food stamps through the SNAP food stamp program.” She was not “living big on the backs of other people.” Ivin was already fighting to make ends meet, let alone enjoying her “freebies.” Even after she was able to secure employment, she was still penniless and living paycheck to paycheck.

  1. She went on to explain that Republican politicians have been used coded and abstract language in their campaign speech in order to appeal to “poor whites’ prejudice.
  2. W.
  3. To give you an idea of what Atwaters had to say, he assumed that it was confidential: “You begin by repeating, “Nigger, nigger, nigger,” which is a reference to the year 1954.
  4. So you start talking about things like, um, forced busing, states’ rights, and all that sort of stuff, and you start sounding really abstract.
  5. … This is considerably more abstract than even the busing thing, um, and a whole lot more abstract than “Nigger, nigger,” to name a few examples.
  6. Ivin placed the most of her facts in the center of the piece and came at her conclusions as a group towards the end, which was a successful technique.
  7. A person or political party that would, in the long run, give a better life filled with more opportunities.
  8. Why would anyone ever vote for a candidate that isn’t going to look out for their own best interests?
  9. Because the impoverished white lower classes are uninformed and confused, Ivan argues that this has happened.
  10. Some impoverished whites may place moral problems above their personal circumstances, and if this is the case, voting for the Republican Party would be very aligned with their interests.

It is evident, however, from Ivin’s statement that “other impoverished people are not the enemy, regardless of their appearance or religious beliefs or who they love.” According to her, the only individuals who can actually make your life worse or more stagnant are those who are at the top of the corporate food chain.

All impoverished people are “fighting for their rights to be heard,” and as a result, they should band together. This is because their split simply serves to make the wealthy ever wealthier while making the poor even more excluded from our economic and political systems. URL of the article:

I Know Why Poor Whites Chant Trump, Trump, Trump

Calamityjon:This is an excellent piece on upper-class exploitation of the underclass and the use of racism as a political tool…… (viahoopertriplett)

  1. This was reblogged fromcalamityjon by teflondonnareblogger
  2. It was reblogged fromhoopertriplett by carys-awen
  3. It was reblogged fromcalamityjon by palomides
  4. It was reblogged fromcalamityjon by repeatbog
  5. It was reblogged fromcalamityjon by dylangrayconsumes
  6. It was reblogged fromcalamityjon by t As a strategy, “divide and conquer” has always shown to be one of the most effective. In all my years of history, I don’t recall ever hearing someone speak in depth about this
  7. Kalajorn liked this
  8. Banana-leto liked this
  9. Calamityjon posted this
See also:  When Doves Cry (whoomp Chant Dj Njam Mix) - Prince

Survey: the poor white working class was, if anything, more likely than the rich to vote for Clinton

The evidence just continues to mount: It wasn’t just the economy that contributed to Donald Trump’s climb to power. An further poll, however, indicated that racism and xenophobia were far more prevalent causes. The latest study, conducted by the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) for the Atlantic, focuses on white working-class voters (those without a college degree or paid employment), who were a major group in Trump’s ascension to the presidency. In particular, research looked at how much of their support for Trump was associated with “anxieties about cultural displacement,” which is a nice way of referring to fears of immigrants from other nations and individuals of different races, among other things.

Economic considerations played a considerably lesser influence, indicating that Trump’s rise was molded more by cultural and racial issues than by economic worries, according to the data.

Moreover, economic hardship among white working-class Americans indicated greater support for Hillary Clinton, rather than for Donald Trump: “Those who reported being in fair or bad financial position were 1.7 times more likely to favor Clinton, compared to those who reported being in better financial shape,” according to the study, despite the fact that the results were not highly statistically significant.

  • This study contradicts the widely held belief that impoverished white Americans turned out in droves to help Donald Trump win the presidency in 2016.
  • A number of other factors were found to be insignificant in the PRRI’s model, including gender, age, region, and religious affiliation.
  • Its findings were based on a series of four focus groups in Cincinnati, Ohio, as well as a national survey of more than 3,000 individuals residing in the United States – a relatively large sample size for this type of research.
  • The findings of the PRRI, taken together, lead to a recurring motif in the tale of Trump: While economic difficulties may have played a role in his ascent, racial and cultural hostility appear to have played a more significant influence.

If Democrats want to beat Trump, they’ll have to figure out a way to deal with the bitterness that exists among their supporters — presumably in a way that doesn’t cater to it.

White working-class voters report lots of racial and cultural resentment

All of the evidence is piling up: President Donald Trump’s ascension was not just due to the economy. The results of another poll revealed that racism and xenophobia were far more prevalent. In a recent study conducted by the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) for the Atlantic, the researchers looked at white working-class voters (those without a college degree or paid employment), who were a significant demographic in Trump’s ascent to power. In particular, research looked at how much of their support for Trump was associated with “anxieties about cultural displacement,” which is a nice way of referring to fears of immigrants from other nations and individuals of different races, among other variables.

Economic considerations played a considerably lesser influence, indicating that Trump’s rise was molded more by cultural and racial issues than by economic worries, according to the analysis.

Furthermore, economic hardship among white working-class Americans indicated greater support for Hillary Clinton, rather than Donald Trump, as follows: “Those who reported being in fair or bad financial position were 1.7 times more likely to favor Clinton, compared to those who reported being in better financial shape,” according to the study, despite the fact that the difference was not highly statistically significant.

  1. A prevalent belief that impoverished white Americans turned out in droves to help Donald Trump win the presidency in 2016 has been debunked by this research.
  2. A number of other factors were found to be insignificant in the PRRI’s model, including gender, age, region, and religious affiliation.
  3. After conducting four focus groups in Cincinnati, Ohio, and conducting a national survey of more than 3,000 individuals residing in the United States, PRRI came to its results.
  4. To draw conclusions from the data, PRRI researchers divided the survey results into distinct demographic weights.
  5. Economic difficulties may have played a role in his ascent, but it appears that racial and cultural hostility were the most significant causes in his climb to power.

Dems will have to figure out a way to deal with their base’s anger if they want to beat Trump — preferably in a way that does not cater to their base’s grievances.

  • The evidence just continues to accumulate: It wasn’t just the economy that played a role in Donald Trump’s climb to power. Instead, a new poll confirms that racism and xenophobia were far more prevalent causes. The Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) conducted the study for the Atlantic, which concentrated on white working-class voters (those without a college degree or paid employment), who were a significant group in Trump’s rise. In particular, research looked at how much of their support for Trump was associated with “anxieties about cultural displacement,” which is a nice way of referring to fears of immigrants from other nations and individuals of different races, among other things. “White working-class voters who say they often feel like a stranger in their own land and who believe the United States needs to be protected against foreign influence were 3.5 times more likely to support Trump than those who did not share these concerns,” the Public Religion Research Institute found. Economic variables played a far lesser effect, indicating that Trump’s rise was molded more by cultural and racial issues than by economic worries. When it comes to economic fatalism, white working-class voters who believe that earning a college education is “a gamble” were just twice as likely as other voters to support Trump. Furthermore, economic hardship among white working-class Americans indicated greater support for Hillary Clinton than than Donald Trump: “Those who reported being in fair or bad financial position were 1.7 times more likely to favor Clinton, compared to those who reported being in better financial shape,” according to the study, despite the fact that the difference was not statistically significant. This study contradicts the widely held belief that impoverished white Americans turned out in droves to help Trump win the presidency in 2016. As one might assume, identifying as a Republican played a significant effect in predicting support for Trump, with white working-class voters who identified as Republicans being 11 times more likely to support the Republican nominee. A number of other factors were found to be insignificant in the PRRI’s model, including gender, age, region, and religious affiliation. According to Dan Cox, research director at PRRI, this was most likely caused by white working-class voters being “already somewhat homogeneous,” leaving less room for characteristics such as region and religious identity to stand out. Its findings were based on a series of four focus groups in Cincinnati, Ohio, as well as a national poll of more than 3,000 individuals residing in the United States – a relatively high sample size. Researchers from the PRRI then divided the survey data into different demographic weights in order to draw conclusions from the data. The findings of the PRRI together add to a recurring motif in the tale of Trump: While economic hardships may have played a role in his ascent, racial and cultural hostility appear to have played a more significant influence. If Democrats want to beat Trump, they’ll have to figure out a way to deal with the hatred that exists — preferably in a way that does not cater to it.
See also:  Why Chant Super Dragon At Dana Brooke

Quite a bit of this isn’t completely fresh knowledge. According to sociologist Arlie Hochschild’s 2016 book on Tea Party members in Louisiana, which is titled Strangers in Their Own Land, a similar theme emerged among the group of individuals. In the book, Hochschild uses an effective analogy to convey the sense of neglect that many white working-class Americans have: They picture themselves as everyone standing in a line heading up a hill with affluence at the summit. Globalization and wage stagnation, on the other hand, have forced the line to come to a complete stop in recent years.

According to this viewpoint, many white working-class Americans have seen their social standing erode in recent years, while they believe that other demographic groups have maintained their ascendancy.

However, regardless of the facts, this is how many white working-class Americans feel about themselves.

Because of this mindset, there has been a great deal of cultural and racial hostility.

This isn’t the first analysis to suggest Trump’s rise was driven by racial and cultural resentment

Quite a bit of this isn’t brand-new knowledge, though. According to sociologist Arlie Hochschild’s 2016 book on Tea Party members in Louisiana, which is titled Strangers in Their Own Land, a similar theme emerged among the group’s members. Throughout the book, Hochschild uses an effective analogy to convey the sense of neglect that many white working-class Americans have: They picture themselves as everyone standing in a line heading up a hill, with affluence at the summit. Globalization and wage stagnation, however, have forced the line to come to a complete stop during the past few years.

Many white working-class Americans believe that their stature has declined in recent years, whereas they believe that the status of other demographic groups has increased.

However, regardless of the facts, this is how many white working-class Americans feel.

Many people, particularly in the African-American community, hold this sentiment in high regard. All of this, according to the results of a recent poll conducted by PRRI, played a significant impact in the election of Trump.

Why the racism and sexism behind Trump’s win matters

Eventually, you may begin to question why journalists continue to write about the connection between Trump’s popularity and hateful attitudes on the right. The election has come to an end. Is it really necessary to rehash the events of the day over and over again? At least in my opinion, the purpose is not to denigrate Trump supporters. The goal is to have a deeper understanding of them in order to better comprehend what drove them to vote for someone who ran a plainly racist campaign and who, according to the majority of voters, is unqualified to serve as the nation’s leader.

According to the researchers, “specifically, we find no statistically significant association between either the racism or the sexism scales and either John McCain or Mitt Romney’s favorability scores.” “However, the trend for Donald Trump’s favorability ratings is pretty robust,” says the report.

  1. If that is indeed what is taking place, it is critical for progressives and everyone else interested in reducing the influence of prejudice in American politics to be aware of and demonstrate what is taking place.
  2. To this aim, the research also demonstrates that it is feasible to reach out to Trump voters — including those who are racist or sexist today — in a compassionate manner without supporting their discrimination.
  3. (I go into much further detail about this in my in-depth essay on the study.) Given this, it is possible that empathy will be the most effective strategy to truly eliminating racism and sexism.
  4. A similar technique might potentially be used to reach out to those who hold racist, sexist, or other horrible beliefs, however further research into this possibility is required.
  5. Knowing what factors contributed to Trump’s victory is critical to determining if all of this labor and effort is worthwhile.

And, given the rising body of evidence demonstrating that racism had a significant part in Trump’s election victory, it appears that the necessary work and effort are being put out.

Watch: Fear and loathing at a Trump rally

In a video posted on Sunday morning, President Donald Trump said it was taken in the Villages retirement community in Florida, and in which a guy driving a golf cart with Trump campaign banners is seen chanting “white power,” the president said. The President shared a video on Twitter that showed Trump fans and anti-Trump demonstrators clashing with one another in the town. The President expressed his gratitude to the “wonderful individuals” who were featured in the film. “Thank you to all of the wonderful individuals in The Villages!

  1. Joe the Corrupt has been shot.
  2. “In the tweet, he expressed his thoughts.
  3. “President Trump is a great supporter of the Villages of America.
  4. However, what he did witness was a huge amount of passion from his numerous followers “Judd Deere, the White House’s deputy press secretary, made the announcement in a statement.
  5. On the video, he didn’t seem to hear the one sentence that was said.
  6. Biden is a former vice president of the United States.
  7. But make no mistake about it: this is a struggle we will prevail in “Biden made the statement.
  8. Nicky Robertson, Kevin Bohn, Manu Raju, Kevin Liptak, Ryan Nobles, and Donald Judd all contributed to this report, as did CNN’s Kevin Bohn and Manu Raju.
See also:  Ffxi How To Unlock Chant Du Cygne

Trump tapped into white victimhood – leaving fertile ground for white supremacists

Although numerous lawsuits and recounts have been unsuccessful, as has formal confirmation that Vice President-elect Joe Biden won the 2020 presidential election, President Donald Trump and his supporters continue to assert that the election was rigged and that he and the American people are the victims of widespread voter fraud. This politics of victimization is not a new phenomenon under the Trump administration. From the very beginning, it was there. During his presidential campaign announcement in 2015, Trump fueled fears of rapists and drug traffickers from Mexico harming U.S.

  1. Throughout his presidency, he made repeated claims of victimization.
  2. As a response to demonstrators calling for the removal of Confederate monuments, Trump said that they were attempting to make people ashamed of their country’s past.
  3. A feeling of resentment was also used by journalists and analysts to explain why Trump got such widespread public support.
  4. This group of voters has been turned against the majority of both political parties by decades of free trade, automation, and reductions in the social safety net.
  5. How come communities of color, who have endured decades of economic and racial discrimination, are so vocal in their opposition to President Donald Trump?

I believe that Trump and Trumpism have tapped into a long-standing sense of aggrievement among white people, which presents itself frequently – but not entirely – as white victimhood.

White victimhood

Although numerous lawsuits and recounts have been unsuccessful, as has formal confirmation that Vice President-elect Joe Biden won the 2020 presidential election, President Donald Trump and his supporters continue to assert that the election was rigged and that he and the American people were the victims of widespread voter fraud. During the Trump administration, this politicization of victimization was nothing new. From the very beginning, it was present. During his presidential campaign announcement in 2015, Trump fueled concerns of rapists and drug traffickers from Mexico targeting U.S.

Throughout his presidency, he made repeated claims of victimization.

President Donald Trump argued that those calling for the removal of Confederate monuments were attempting to make Americans ashamed of their country’s heritage.

When asked to explain the widespread support for Trump, journalists and analysts often cited a feeling of injustice.

This group of voters has been turned against the majority of both political parties by decades of free trade, automation, and cuts to the social safety net Two important questions are not addressed by this narrative: For what reasons did upper-middle-class and rich white voters, who are not economic victims, come out in favor of Donald Trump during the presidential election in 2016?

I lecture on whiteness in the United States, and I’m now working on a book about the vocabulary of white entrenchment in the United States I believe that Trump and Trumpism have tapped into a long-standing sense of aggrievement among white people, which presents itself frequently – but not entirely – as white victimization.

‘Wages of whiteness’

We must investigate whiteness in order to comprehend this identity that is rooted in victimization. David Roediger, a historian, revealed how, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, embracing whiteness provided working-class European Americans with specific psychological and social advantages, in addition to economic advantages. W.E.B. DuBois, an American scholar, coined the phrase “wages of whiteness” to describe these benefits. W.E.B. DuBois was an American sociologist and co-founder of the NAACP who lived from 1868 to 1963.

  • The psychological payoff came from the knowledge that, even if they were being economically exploited by elites, at the very least they were socially superior to their Black working-class counterparts, which was comforting.
  • Despite the fact that we live in highly segregated communities, racial housing covenants are no longer permitted.
  • The historical trend toward more equality, albeit frequently more formal than substantive in nature, is regarded as a loss by many whites, because whiteness is an identity predicated on the ability to secure advantages over others.
  • Trumpism cannot be explained just in terms of economics because of this sense of entitlement.
  • The risk isn’t only in adopting a victimhood identity; it’s in the ways in which victimhood may be utilized and exploited as well.

In recent weeks, white nationalist organizations have distributed posters on various college campuses, proclaiming that “it’s OK to be white” and that “diversity is code for white extermination.” Similar to what Trump has done at his rallies, these slogans play on preexisting feelings of white victimization in order to evoke feelings of beleaguered belonging.

The vocabulary of victimization, in its most destructive expressions, is used to justify violence and murder, and to justify the use of lethal force.

Shooter Dylann Roof referenced this victorious sentiment when he stated that “what I did is so little in comparison to what they’re doing to white people every day, all the time.” In the following months, it’s possible that Trump may fade from the public eye.

Although Hitler tapped into and galvanized a politically politicized victimization that had existed long before him, this victimhood will continue to be fertile ground for white supremacy and political violence for years to come.

Leave a Comment

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *