Muslims In Chicago Chant “death To America”. Where Was The Mainstream Media On This

Muslims in Chicago Chant ‘Death to America’ – Where Was the Mainstream Media?

During that time period, Kapur’s position as a reader of English literature at Miranda House, Delhi University, required her to engage with a large number of young ladies, many of whom were around the same age as her daughter. As a result of these encounters, she began to feel anxious. Throughout her body, she felt an eerie emptiness that threatened to consume her entire being. The idea of participating in Buddhist chanting was initially met with resistance by her buddy. The companion, on the other hand, was tenacious.

It would take us five to ten minutes to chant.

Buddhist monk Nichiren Daishonin thought that the Lotus Sutra, an important scripture in Mahayana Buddhism, was one of Gautama Buddha’s most significant teachings, and that it contained the path to happiness.

In English, it translates as “devotion to the mystic law of the lotus blossom sutra.” As Kapur explains, “I stopped feeling like a victim as soon as I realized it was my own fault.” In their religious philosophy, Hindus are familiar with the concept of causality, which is one of the reasons Bharat Soka Gakkai (BSG), as the Indian chapter is known, has seen such rapid growth.

  • Other religious practices can be accommodated because it is not very difficult to follow.
  • In the end, we don’t care about the media attention we receive.
  • People choose to join or leave organizations.
  • It gained popularity in metropolitan India throughout the first decade of the 2000s.
  • Weekend attendance was encouraged by harried professionals.
  • A targeted approach and word-of-mouth marketing have also helped the group grow its reach.
  • Several BSG practitioners become involved because they are experiencing some kind of personal difficulty.

Purohit’s sister was going through a difficult time when she received an approach from a member of the BSG, according to Abhinav Purohit, a telecom strategy consultant working in Dubai.

A member introduced Rupkatha Bhowmick to BSG when her father was entangled in legal proceedings in Dubai.

Dham, whose sister and daughter are also practitioners, had been a supporter of the concept rather than an active participant up until that point.

As Ghosh describes it, “She was hallucinating and insane.” It was her paternal aunts who encouraged her to begin chanting because they were Nichiren Buddhists.

Her confidence in the practice was strengthened as a result of these two developments..

” While the technique itself isn’t mystical, I feel it is.” Ghosh has worked with the organization in a variety of positions, including as the division’s head for young females (YWD).

We urge married ladies to participate in the women’s section of the organization (WD).

“My son was in a coma for more than two months.

“The Sensei” (referring to Daisaku Ikeda, the 90-year-old founder president of Soka Gakkai International, or SGI) claims that the philosophy transforms poison into medicine via trust in the concept.

“Most of my son’s injuries have healed entirely.

In addition to her mother, the 56-year-old inhabitant of Sikandrabad claims that her family shouted for three other patients at the hospital who were in a similar condition.

His religious beliefs lead him to attend temples, and his religious practices lead him to follow Buddhism under the guidance of the Soka Gakkai organization.

“We are not actively searching for the stray dog with a wound,” she adds.

Despite the fact that “we don’t intentionally search for individuals in distress,” she admits that the majority of people who join BSG do so when they are at their lowest points, both physically and mentally.

Worlds on opposite sides A certified non-governmental organization (NGO), the Indian branch was founded in 1986 and has grown from 4,000 members in 1997 to 150,000 members now.

As of right now, Mehta estimates that the organization has somewhat less than 200,000 members, though she is unsure of the precise number.

A larger-than-life character, Ikeda is credited with bringing this religious system to the entire world.

Celebrities like as actress Tisca Chopra and fashion designer Rina Dhaka have embraced the trend in recent months.

Senior members of the organization have expressed concern over members who have political ties.

Neither the organization nor its members wish to be connected with any political ideologies.

In the end, we don’t care about the media attention we receive.

People choose to join or leave organizations.” The movement, on the other hand, has a consciously metropolitan feel.

Because the holy material has not been translated into Indian languages, the ability to read and write English is a pre-requisite.

In her words, “I’ve written to them several times, asking why Bengali cannot be utilized as an alternate language in Kolkata, but to no effect.” Dham, who introduced her chauffeur Suraj to chanting, concedes that he may be unable to attend BSG meetings due to a lack of understanding of spoken and written English, despite the fact that he has gained much from the concept.

  1. Regional language translation will require clearance from SGI and is unlikely to occur unless there is a significant demand for it.
  2. As Ghosh points out, “I’ve seen individuals bring up this problem at meetings multiple times, only to be informed that if English is removed as a communication medium, the membership numbers would soar above BSG’s ability to handle them, and ‘we don’t want that’,” he adds.
  3. It’s possible that India is the only country with this problem.
  4. Outside of Japan, Ikeda’s writings have been published in as many as 1,000 different language editions.
  5. Also recently released was a German translation of the first book of Nichiren Daishonin’s works.
  6. The founder of BSG, Purohit, argues that evangelism is not part of the group’s culture.

‘My wife does not practice Nichiren Buddhism, and I’ve never felt the need to ask her to do so; I believe that it should be something that comes from the heart.’ The fact that you have attracted this many members is not a need, according to Bhowmick, but it is considered a significant accomplishment.

The number of members is important to certain individuals, but leadership positions are not based on this, according to him.

Members of the committee who claim that Mehta is correct also claim that such a restriction does not exist in the present day.

According to Bhowmick, “during the years that I was extremely active, mostly between 2009 and 2012, I didn’t see any Muslim members in my district in Kolkata (in the Ballygunge region) or in Chittaranjan Park in Delhi (where she stayed for a while),” According to Ghosh, I didn’t come across any Muslim or Sikh members throughout my years in Kolkata, she claims.

  • In addition, the group did not reply to inquiries on the number of members or the breakdown of members by gender.
  • It is quickly pointed out, however, by members, that it is not a replacement for actual assistance.
  • ” It was recognised by doctors as well as by the public.
  • They can introduce biases and misinterpretations into a situation at any point.
  • In Mehta’s opinion, the member who made the statement “has no grasp of what BSG stands for.” The medical community cannot be replaced by us, so we must refrain from doing so.” Rather of imposing our solutions on others, we just urge them to look inside.
  • Despite the fact that Bhowmick admires the idea, he dislikes the organization, and he no longer attends meeting.
  • “It was incorrect and caused some consternation,” Ghosh admits.
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The fact that she had regular meetings at home and that leaders dropped by unexpectedly to check on her was not an issue for her in-laws, she adds.

It has been entrusted to BSG leaders to ensure the well-being of the members under their supervision.

The situation has improved for many people.

Members communicated in hushed tones with distressed people they encountered through Facebook groups, friends, and family members.

In the words of BSG public relations manager Sumita Mehta, “women are more receptive and welcoming” of new ideas, which might explain why.

A comfortable environment for women to talk about their personal problems is provided via home sessions.

Anything discussed in such meetings is not meant to be shared with anybody outside of the circle.

Indrani Ghosh, an IT worker, adds that relationships between members are not encouraged, however there have been cases of members meeting and falling in love during chanting sessions, according to Indrani.

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FACT CHECK: Media Blackout of Video Showing Muslims Chanting ‘Death to America’?

On March 6, 2016, the video of a demonstrating mob posted below was disseminated, along with the accompanying statement about what it allegedly depicted: “Free Palestine, death to Israel, death to America” yelling by Muslims in Chicago, according to the video’s creator. What happened to the mainstream media in this situation? In Chicago, Muslim protesters are screaming, “Free Palestine.” In September 2014, there was a pro-Palestine demonstration. Was there any coverage of this in the mainstream media?

On March 7, 2016, the unreliable web siteClashDailyalso reported (in a piece with the title “WATCH: Muslims in THIS U.S.

City Chant ‘DEATH TO America'” What happened to the mainstream media in this situation?

Viewers should keep an eye out for these Muslims in Chicago who are chanting “Free Palestine, death to Israel, death to America.” It was almost always stated that the tape was just released and that it had been purposely concealed by the mainstream media when it was discussed on social media.

According to the description of the tape, it featured a “Protest in downtown Chicago.” Palestinian supporters demonstrated in Gaza to express their displeasure with the bombings.” It was also easy to contradict the claim that the film garnered little major media coverage, as recordings were readily available through theChicago Tribune, Chicago’s ABCaffiliateWLS-TV, theChicago Monitor, and CNN’siReport, among other outlets.

Visualizing a Revolution – The Graphics of Revolution and War

The Iranian Revolution of 1979 was, in many ways, the climax of a series of failed attempts to establish a democratic government in Iran that had occurred throughout the twentieth century. Mostafa Khomeini was slain, according to rumor, by agents of the Iranian security forces in October 1977, marking the beginning of the decisive collapse of the monarchy in earnest. In the sacred city of Qom, the first round of anti-government demonstrations began, and they gradually expanded throughout Iran.

  • Shi’ite tradition dictates that the departed be commemorated for forty days following their death, and activists planned mourning ceremonies across country in memory of the killed protestors.
  • The cycle of violence and grief, which was growing rapidly, plunged Iran farther into disarray, which finally culminated in a widespread civil insurrection.
  • Public dissatisfaction with the Pahlavi regime continued to increase at the time.
  • This was only a few weeks after the regime had suffered such a disastrous setback.
  • The incident became known as “Black Friday.” In the course of the revolution, Black Friday served as a watershed moment, marking the beginning of the end of the Shah’s reign.
  • Khomeini and his allies moved fast to solidify power after emerging as the clear leader in the midst of a power vacuum in Iran.
  • The Pahlavi administration had previously controlled Iran’s printing presses, which allowed for instant celebration of the regime’s fast transformation through the use of posters and other visual media.

The ensuing outpouring of public criticism was reminiscent of the bloodshed that erupted on the streets of revolutionary Iran.

Although the revolution was a diverse revolt comprised of both secular and religious parties, posters published by the Islamic state after 1979 reinterpreted it as an ideologically Islamic one, contrary to the reality that it was.

As a result, the newly founded Islamic Republic’s cultural program placed a strong emphasis on the Shi’ite features of the demonstrations over all others in order to justify the newly formed government’s claims to spiritual authority and dominance.

1981 Box 4 of the Middle Eastern Posters Collection contains Poster 175 of the collection.

It was painted by an anonymous artist and represents the ephemeral media of the revolution: a poster of Khomeini, a red stencil of Ali Shariati, and slogans scrawled on the wall with a black marker.

Walls were a source of dispute between the demonstrators and the Pahlavi administration, as seen by the white smears of paint that seek to cover up earlier graffiti statements on the wall in question.

In addition, some demonstrators would dip their hands in the blood of those who had died or been injured and use the blood to write slogans or leave a handprint, such as the one in the top left corner of the poster, to express their feelings.

This seemingly straightforward billboard is in fact a highly heated memorial to the Black Friday massacre, which is widely seen as the time at which the momentum towards the Iranian Revolution reached a breaking point.

With red ink splotches denoting the locations of the slaughter in the backdrop of the poster, the map of Zhaleh Square serves as the poster’s foreground.

The poster remembers the Black Friday massacre by honoring the victims as martyrs and pioneers of the future Islamic Republic, and it is displayed in public places around the country.

This poster, which was commissioned to commemorate the Revolution’s second anniversary, depicts scenes from the Revolution as well as the Iran-Iraq War.

The bombardment of a southern city is depicted in the bottom right-hand corner of the illustration (possibly Khorramshahr).

The participation of children, particularly young males, in the Iran-Iraq War became one of the most notable features of the conflict, as boys as young as 12 years old were recruited (and in many cases willingly joined) to assist in the war’s operations.

By using a collage of naive children’s drawings, this poster provides an early narrative of the Revolution and the war, which was created before the physical and psychological toll of the conflict began to take its toll on the Iranian people.

Box 3 of the Middle Eastern Posters Collection contains Poster 117.

The artist recalls the occasion with an oil painting, in which the subject is shown in warm, lush hues typical of the French Romantic style, depicting the moment.

Fires are still blazing in the background, demonstrating the harsh measures taken by the Pahlavi administration to control the Iranian Revolutionary Movement.

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Box 2 of the Middle Eastern Posters Collection contains Poster 20.

One of the most prominent Iranian photographers, Abbas Attar, captured the rallies and events of 1978 in a series of street pictures that depicted a country on the verge of popular insurrection.

Using a camera lens, he documented the long and chaotic buildup to the Revolution and helped to form the public’s perception of those turbulent days in history.

Box 3 of the Middle Eastern Posters Collection from 1979, with Poster 95.

This postcard is a reproduction of a painting by Khusrawjirdi, which shows mourning masses during the month of Muharram in the Islamic calendar.

These acts of self-mortification are a reenactment of the pain endured by the seventy-two Karbala martyrs.

The Shah’s Exile and Khomeini’s Re-Ascension to Power 1979 Hasan Isma’ilzadah is an Iranian actor who was born in 1922.

11 Imitating the traditional Iranian “coffee-house” paintings that were used for picture storytelling, this poster depicts Mohammad Reza Shah’s exile from Iran, which coincided with the conclusion of the Iranian Revolution and the restoration of Ayatollah Khomeini to power.

His suitcase, which is embossed with the American and British flags, is bursting apart, spilling cash and gold coins.

The Eiffel Tower and the Najaf Shrine, which may be seen in the backdrop, serve to remind the audience of Khomeini’s exile in Iraq and France prior to his victorious return to Iran.

In 1980, a wounded protestor under Khomeini broke through the United States flag.

This poster depicts the Iranian Revolution in a dramatic manner, depicting the chaos and brutality of the rallies that led to the collapse of the Pahlavi regime and the restoration of Ayatollah Khomeini to power.

Above the revolutionary commotion, Khomeini’s disembodied visage breaks through a shredded United States flag, metaphorically releasing Iran from the influence of the United States of America.

Crowd silhouette with Shahada in the background approximately the 1970s–1980s Box 4 of the Middle Eastern Posters Collection contains Poster 188.

The outline for the calligraphic inscription is created by the collectively raised arms of the audience.

The act of superimposing this fundamental credo on the demonstrators announces with confidence that the Iranian people are religiously virtuous in their revolutionary zeal.

1980 Middle Eastern Posters Collection Box 2, Poster 39 “The United States Can Do Nothing” There is a portrait of Khomeini on this poster, which is displayed among a mob of protestors.

“The United States Cannot Do Anything,” runs a red multilingual phrase across the painted image of Khomeini, a remark that is directed to both an Iranian and an American audience at the same time.

A connection to the American hostages who were held prisoner for 444 days at the United States Embassy in Tehran may also be inferred from the phrase.

box 4, poster number 171 from the Middle Eastern Posters Collection from 1980 An image of protestors from the 1979 revolutionary rallies appears on this billboard honoring the one-year anniversary of the Iranian Revolution.

The Qur’anic passage at the top of the page, which refers to Khomeini’s triumphant return to Iran and the toppling and exile of the Shah, figuratively characterizes the revolution as a spiritually sanctioned struggle between good (or “Truth”) and evil (or “Falsehood”) This poster was created for Iranian embassies and consulates in the United States prior to their closure as a result of the Iranian takeover of the United States Embassy in Tehran and the ensuing hostage situation in the United States.

Crowds chant ‘Death to America, death to Israel’

It is sometimes said that the Iranian Revolution of 1979 was a culmination of successive attempts to establish a democratic government in Iran during the twentieth century. However, the actual collapse of the monarchy began in earnest in October 1977 with the murder of Ayatollah Khomeini’s son, Mostafa, who was alleged to have been assassinated by security forces. Starting in the sacred city of Qom, the first wave of anti-government demonstrations steadily made their way across the country. The Pahlavi ruler, Mohammad Reza Shah, sought to quell popular opposition from the very beginning of the rebellion, which resulted in the deaths of numerous civilians.

  1. These public demonstrations served as the springboard for additional demonstrations.
  2. In August 1978, a fire was started in Tehran’s Cinema Rex, which resulted in the deaths of more than 400 people who were trapped inside.
  3. Only a few weeks after this calamitous occurrence, the tide of public opinion swung decisively against the government when, on September 8, 1978, government tanks and helicopters opened fire on thousands of protestors in Tehran, killing scores of people.
  4. Iranian President Mohammad Reza Shah departed the country on January 16, 1979, and on February 1, 1979, Khomeini returned from exile in Iraq and Paris, where he was hailed by millions of jubilant citizens of Iran.
  5. After a referendum the following month, the monarchy was formally abolished and the Islamic Republic of Iran was established, as a result of the results.
  6. Demonstrators created posters and put them on graffiti-scribbled walls during the climax period of civil upheaval that lasted from October 1977 to January 1979.

The anti-imperialist slogans and shouts that were scrawled on buildings were captured by several artists who opted to replicate the chaotic urban setting in their posters, while also celebrating the most important revolutionaries, such as Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariat, on the walls of Tehran.

  1. In order to maintain revolutionary enthusiasm, Shi’ite Muslim rites and symbols were crucial.
  2. Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati are depicted in graffiti on a wall.
  3. Iran’s public walls are depicted in this poster, which demonstrates how demonstrators exploited these locations to express their political and religious opposition.
  4. Graffiti on the wall is hostile to the United States, the Russians, Israel, and the Shah of Iran.
  5. The slogan “Death to the Shah” was written in the blood of injured or dead Iranians during the demonstrations as testimony of their commitment to see the Shah deposed.
  6. 1980Middle Eastern Posters Collection Box 1, Poster 8 commemorating the Black Friday Massacreca.
  7. Protesters at Tehran’s Zhaleh Square were shot and killed by police forces on September 8, 1978, with an estimated 84 people killed.

The martyrial language employed in the bilingual Persian-English text extols the value of Shi’i mourning rites as vehicles for revolutionary zeal against the Pahlavi dictatorship, and the text is written in both Persian and English.

1990s Middle Eastern Posters Collection Box 1, Poster 1 (montage of children’s drawings), 1980s This poster, which was commissioned to commemorate the Revolution’s second anniversary, depicts scenes from the Revolution as well as the Iran-Iraq War in vignettes.

A representation of the bombardment of a southern city is depicted in the lower right-hand corner (possibly Khorramshahr).

When it came to the Iran-Iraq War, involvement by children, particularly young males, became one of the most notable features of the conflict, with boys as young as 12-years-old being recruited (and in many cases willingly enlisting) to assist in the war effort.

By using a collage of naive children’s drawings, this billboard provides an early narrative of the Revolution and the conflict, which was created before the physical and psychological toll of the war began to take its toll on ordinary Iranians.

Middle Eastern Posters Collection Box 3, Poster 117, is part of the collection.

This moment is commemorated by the artist in an oil painting in which the scenario is shown in warm, luscious hues that are characteristic of the French Romantic movement.

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A blazing fire rages in the backdrop, indicating the severe measures taken by the Pahlavi dictatorship to quell the Iranian Revolution.

1944).

The image depicted on this poster was taken by ‘Abbas ‘Attar, a well-known Iranian photographer who documented the rallies and events of 1978 in street photos that depicted a country on the verge of a popular revolt.

The First Night of Muharram is a time to scream out in protest.

Khusrawjirdi’s artwork, depicting grieving crowds during the month of Muharram, is reproduced on the reverse side of this post card.

The pain of the seventy-two Karbala martyrs is re-enacted in these acts of self-mortification.

Iranian Revolutionary Leader Ayatollah Khomeini Has Returned From Exile 1979 Iranian actor Hasan Isma’ilzadah (b.

Collector’s Box 1, Poster 11 (Middle Eastern Posters Collection) This poster depicts Mohammad Reza Shah’s exile from Iran, which marked the end of the Revolution and the return of Ayatollah Khomeini, in the style of traditional Iranian “coffee-house” paintings used for picture storytelling.

His baggage, which is embossed with the American and British flags, is bursting apart, spilling money and gold coins.

The Eiffel Tower and the Najaf Shrine, which may be seen in the backdrop, serve to remind the audience of Khomeini’s exile in Iraq and France prior to his successful return to Iran.

Possibly in the 1980s, a wounded protestor under Khomeini broke down the United States flag.

One of the protesters is bleeding on the ground, and he is clutching a green banner with the revolutionary phrase “Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic,” which has been painted in an expressionist style reminiscent of Cuban revolutionary art.

The implicit presence of Khomeini throughout the events leading up to the Iranian Revolution allowed the Islamic Republic to recast the visual recall of the people’s rebellion as one that was led by the future supreme religious leader of the Islamic Republic.

“There is no deity but God,” or the shahada, forms the body of this poster, which is inscribed against a silhouette of protesters holding their fisted in the air against a crimson background.

Because of their use of bright colors like red, white, and black, the Iranian demonstrators are able to be identified with other liberation movements’ visual cultures.

1980s Middle Eastern Posters Collection Box 2, Poster 39: “The United States Can Do Nothing.” This poster depicts Khomeini’s image hanging among a mob of protestors, as seen in the original.

“The United States Cannot Do Anything,” runs the red multilingual text across the painted image of Khomeini, which is targeted to both an Iranian and an American audience.

A connection to the American hostages who were held prisoner for 444 days at the United States Embassy in Tehran may also be inferred from this phrase.

box 4, poster number 171 from the Middle Eastern Posters Collection of 1980 In this poster honoring the one-year anniversary of the Iranian Revolution, a gigantic fist holds a black and white portrait of protestors from the 1979 revolutionary rallies, which is displayed on the reverse.

What was the Iranian Revolution?

The Iranian Revolution, often known as the Islamic Revolution, was a public revolt that occurred in Iran during 1978 and 1979. Iranian monarchy was overthrown on April 1, 1979, following this coup, which culminated in the foundation of an Islamic republic in the nation. There had been rising societal unrest in the nation during the 1970s, which had been exacerbated by economic hardships and sociopolitical persecution under the dictatorship of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, who had reigned since 1953.

  • In 1977, the Shah implemented a number of unpopular liberalization reforms in order to maintain the backing of the United States.
  • Between August and December 1978, the country came to a virtual stop as a result of a wave of strikes and demonstrations across the country..
  • He was granted shelter in Egypt, where he died in 1980, knowing full well that he would very certainly have been executed if he had attempted to return to Iran.
  • After 14 years in exile for his resistance to the Shah, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a prominent Iranian leader, was allowed back to his native country by the Iranian government in 2009.
  • On April 1, the country voted in a nationwide referendum to create an Islamic republic, and Khomeini was appointed as the country’s Supreme Leader in December.
  • A large number of people clutched umbrellas as they sought shelter from the rain during a rally to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution in 1979.
  • Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani stated in a speech at Tehran’s Azadi Square that the country was committed to increase its military capability.

According to President Hassan Rouhani, ‘we have not requested and will not seek for authorization to build various types of missiles, and we will continue on our current route and with our military capability,’ A event on Monday saw Iranian President Hassan Rouhani address on a platform decked in flowers in front of a large audience of thousands.

Hossein Hosseinpour, a 27-year-old medical student from Tehran, walked with his wife and their 18-month-old son Amir Ali across the city.

According to Hosseinpour, ‘I envision a bright future for him and for our country.” Mahmoud Hemmati, 35, was pushing his mother, Parivash Fakheri, 68, in a wheelchair when the incident occurred.

As they carry posters with the image of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and Iranian flags in their hands, five Iranian ladies beam with pride.

“The United States has been greatly eclipsed by the Islamic Republic of Iran for the last 40 years and will soon fall,” said one banner hoisted by a group of Iranians in Tehran’s Azadi Square.

Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani stated in January that the country was experiencing its greatest economic crisis since the overthrow of the Shah.

The placard, which has photos of the country’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and his predecessor, is held aloft by a lady above the gathering.

‘I understand that there are many economic challenges in the world now, but it is not the same as our revolution,’ she explained.

Last week, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei justified the cries of “Death to America,” claiming that they are directed at American authorities such as President Donald Trump rather than the country’s citizens.

The day of February 11, 1979, is celebrated in Iran as Victory Day because it commemorates the end of the monarchy and the establishment of the Islamic Republic.

Students clad in black, white, and gold hold up Iranian flags as they mourn the fall of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi in Tehran on November 11.

On Monday, February 11, a large number of Iranians gathered in Azadi Sqaure in Tehran to participate in a rally.

Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani stated in January that the country was experiencing its greatest economic crisis since the overthrow of the Shah.

Rouhani warned in a speech delivered in Tehran’s Azadi Square that US efforts to isolate Iran will fail.

Since the Islamic Revolution, the United States and its Arab allies have eyed Iran with deep distrust, thinking that Khomeini’s extremist doctrine would inspire insurgents throughout the Middle East and beyond.

Iran’s expanding power in the Middle East, where it maintains proxies in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen, is being challenged by the United States and its Arab allies today, according to the Washington Post.

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