This Is What Democracy Looks Like Chant Origin

This is What Democracy Looks Like – The Music of Elizabeth Alexander

A brief, witty, and melodic rendition of the popular social justice chant, which is simple to learn and perfect for intergenerational singing groups of all ages. How Does Democracy Look Like in Action? was written specifically for the Justice Choir Songbook, an initiative of the social and environmental justice organization, and is available for purchase online. Creative Commons BY-NC-ND license * is used to distribute the music. The lead sheet may be obtained by clicking here or by visiting the Justice Choir download page.

2) No commercial usage is permitted without the prior written consent of the Creative Commons owner.

The appropriate song to commemorate International Democracy Day has been provided by you!

Lynn Mendoza-Khan, professional singer and choir director of the First Unitarian Universalist Church of San Diego, is a professional singer and choir director.

  1. ONE: We recognize that there is a wrong that has to be righted.
  2. THREE: We are exercising our freedom to congregate.
  3. Just in case you were wondering, just in case you were wondering, just in case you were wondering, just in case you were wondering, Hey, hey, take a peek over here!
  7. ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR – that’s how many people are counting!
Performers / Tesfa Wondemagegnehu performs the world premiere. The National Justice Choir will be launched (Minneapolis, MN) Roger Stratton’s Guardian Angels Music Ministry is a musical ministry dedicated to the protection of angels (Oakdale, MN) Meagan Johnson conducts the Justice Choir of Indianapolis (Indianapolis, IN) Jennifer Lawrence Birnbaum conducts the Justice Choir-Ithaca (Ithaca, NY) Emilie Amrein conducts the Justice Choir-San Diego (San Diego, CA) The Justice Choir of the Twin Cities.

Those who took part in the Alternatives to Violence Project / Anne Matlack (Chatham, NJ) at the Minnesota State Fair (St.

+ a whole lot more that I’m not aware of!

“This Is What Democracy Looks Like”

As a result of the Women’s March on Washington, D.C., which some believe to be the largest protest march in American history, journalists from a variety of political perspectives have commented on the march’s potential influence on policy and electoral politics. Is it possible for the march—and the spirit of resistance and optimism that it sparked among its participants—to retain its forward momentum in the coming days and weeks? As former teachers and current teacher educators who took part in the march, we are certain that such demonstrations have the ability to change educational practices in our country’s public schools.

It seems that while the signs expressed the important reasons why people were marching, the marchers’ shouts expressed a greater sense of their own collective awareness.

These chants, which began at various intervals and from various groups along the route, crossed all lines of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, creed, and age, emphasizing the power that all Americans have to effect positive change in our society, regardless of their social position in society..

  1. The chants symbolized togetherness, not in spite of, but rather as a result of, the variety present.
  2. In fact, as theWomen’s March Youth Ambassadorscan confirm, children were a constant presence throughout the march as well.
  3. While the civil rights movement was taking place, children weren’t just lurking in the background; they were frequently capable of establishing the moral compass for the nation.
  4. The use of water hoses, dogs, and arrests by police to disperse the children’s protests provoked widespread national outrage, finally prompting Birmingham to reach an agreement with civil rights groups to put a stop to the demonstrations.
  5. During a four-day, 54-mile march to the Alabama State Capitol, these heroic youngsters and other campaigners called for the restoration of voting rights for African Americans living in the southern United States.
  6. It is our belief as educators that it is part of our responsibility to equip children to understand the importance of their civic involvement in order to avoid and oppose injustice.

Primary and secondary educators who want to promote a vision like this in their classrooms can easily incorporate literature about children’s roles in American protests into their reading routines, including books like Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justiceby Phillip Hoose, We’ve Got a Job: The 1963 Birmingham Children’s Marchby Cynthia Levinson, and Brave Girl: Clara and the Shirtwaist Makers’ Strike of 1909 by Michelle Markel.

Additional readings can be found in the free texts section of the K–12 curriculum tool.

As an alternative, educators might suggest to kids that they make their own signs and chants to symbolize problems that are important to them in the classroom or at the school or community level.

In addition to being a PhD fellow at the University of Florida School of Teaching and Learning, BrittneyBeck has worked as a primary school teacher in the state of Florida.

Stephanie Schroeder is a PhD candidate in curriculum, teaching, and teacher education at the University of Florida, and she previously worked as a secondary English and social studies teacher in the public school system of Florida.


Twenty-Year Anniversary of the WTO Shutdown Series: TheShutdown World Trade Organization (WTO) Organizers’ History Project and Common Dreams In 1999, organizers on the streets of Seattle, towards the tail end of the twentieth century, shared their stories and offered forward-looking insights. The articles in the series, which will include historical images and films, will be released over the course of ten days in order to commemorate and reflect on the events that took place 20 years ago this month.

“While I was traveling around the South, going to jail, getting beaten, speaking in public, and singing in large gatherings, this one specific song became the theme song of the civil rights struggle.” A strong song, you can find it everywhere there is struggle, and you will still see people on the streets chanting it.

It is our gift to the world; it is our gift to the world of those who are struggling.” In the introduction of We Shall Overcome by Cordell Reagon, he says: A cheerful and militant chant heard at thousands of marches since its inception in Seattle in 1999, “This is What Democracy Looks Like!” has become a rallying cry for many people.

Before discussing what transpired on that chilly and wet November morning, it’s important to note that there’s even older background that lends dimension to that moment of movement in the streets of Chicago.

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Movement for a New Society (MNS) are two organizations whose democratic origins can be traced back to the World Trade Organization (WTO) resistance tactics (MNS).

MNS had been around for a decade and had a lot in common with Ella Baker and the young black leadership of the SNCC, as well as their radical democratic practice.

Some of the only leaders in our “leaderless” movement who had direct experience with affinity groups, spokescouncils, action agreements, strategic mass arrest, and jail solidarity were anarchist veterans of the anti-nuclear movements of the 1970s and 1980s who participated in Clamshell and Abalone alliances, as well as the Livermore Action Group (along with a few Earth First!ers).

  • Activists in the anti-nuke movement in the Pacific Northwest brought the same culture and praxis to their ecodefense work with Earth First!
  • However, while this history is not more essential than the individuals involved and their particular experiences, it provides crucial context since movement history is hidden history and movements do not emerge out of thin air.
  • Movement members, who are the ones who are most familiar with the situation, are much too infrequently heard telling their own tales.
  • The cluster of affinity groups that served as the foundation for the actions in which the chant emerged were headquartered in Olympia and Portland, respectively.
  • Some of us were familiar with them, but most of us had never heard of them, let alone the concentric decision-making of a spokescouncil until that day in the office.
  • We were well aware that the concept of affinity groups needed to be popularized.
  • Those in Olympia who had co-founded Olympia Art and Revolution, a collective of mostly queer women and trans leaders, rose to the occasion and faced the challenge.
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Affinity organizations formed in Portland and Olympia with names like the Muppets, SoulForce, RAG (Radical Action Group), SPUDS (Some People Upholding Democracy), Cobra, and the Debonaires (little’ Debbies) were inspired by the name alone.

Grace Cox and Harry Levine are also co-founders of the Olympia Food Co-Ops.

Our cluster was the first to accept responsibility for blocking a piece of the territory surrounding the World Trade Organization (WTO) – the ‘K’ slice – and was the first to do so.

As the day came, we increased our presence to two intersections: one centered on our genetically modified Cow-Borg (high on rBGH), and another dominated by the Sleazy Small-Town Cowboy (and Lady) Puppet Rodeo Association.

Ruckus Society and Rainforest Action Network erected a large banner visible throughout the city the night before the direct action, with an arrow pointing at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and an opposing arrow pointing in the opposite direction towards democracy.

The Reddi Whip cluster took their intersection painfully early in the morning of November 30th, 1999 (N30), in the morning of that day.

A canvas sheet in a 10×20 wooden frame was set up to capture the visual art, and they had discussed and practiced incorporating spoken word into the junction before setting it up.

This is what democracy looks like, according to Julia Steele Allen, who gives her firsthand recollection of penning the lines “This is What Democracy Looks Like” on November 30, 1999: During the action we had a freestanding canvas to which we were physically tied as part of our participation.

I didn’t come up with the term ‘This is What Democracy Looks Like,’ but I proposed that we paint it on our canvas, which we did, in large letters, but because it was pouring, it washed away quickly and no one could see what we were talking about.

Similarly to you, I’ve heard it yelled at virtually every demonstration I’ve attended over the past two decades!

Everything I’ve heard thus far has been iterated, such as: “Now this is what democracy sounds like!

What people who haven’t witnessed it firsthand may find hard to believe is that, under the danger of pepper spray and tear gas, they were making decisions in real time together, democratically, in that crossroads and throughout the city.

Later, it was used as the title of the finest documentary about the struggle in Seattle, and it is still heard today among people’s movements all over the world, particularly in the United States.

The fact that democratic organizations and movements in which everyone participates in decision-making are transformative is because you are not being told what to do by someone else.

After all, when you’re threatened with fire hoses (rank and file firemen screamed “NO”), bulldozers a block away from the mural crossroads, riot gear, tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, and arrest, you understand why you’re there.

And yet, they overcame it all almost unanimously because THEY DECIDED TO, as a group, to do so.

Deep discourse, a dedication to intersectional justice, innovative and compassionate shared leadership and governance are all essential components of this process.

Towards the end of the “Shut it Down!” broadsheet, which was distributed to inform and educate people about the direct action, we included a little line describing the 1919 Seattle General Strike.

That was something we weren’t prepared for in 1999. If we focus on improving our democratic practices, our just decision-making, and the development of democratic movements, perhaps we will be successful the next time.

Introduction: Is This What Democracy Looks Like?

It was inspired by one of the Occupy movement’s most enduring slogans, “This Is What Democracy Looks Like,” for the creation of this dossier (though the catchword was first nurtured, as were many Occupy paradigms, tactics, and customs, in the global justice movement that came of age in Seattle in 1999). These demonstrators responded enthusiastically to this self-assured statement, which was bolstered by populist assurances about the “99 percent” hypermajority. It is a political statement that is both self-congratulatory and combative, while also being extremely eloquent as a political statement.

  • But what if it were to be pursued as a more concrete objective?
  • Who would stand to benefit and who would stand to lose?
  • It was possible to ask these kinds of questions because of the profound innocence of Occupy.
  • Horizontalism evolved as a practical idea in Argentina as a result of the populist uprisings that occurred in 2001.
  • The United States has particularly deep roots in this process.

This movement’s place in the annals of Anglo communalism is typically associated with Quaker culture; in fact, many of the protocols and rules for Occupy Wall Street’s General Assemblies (decision-making forums open to all) were derived from the Quaker-inspired Clamshell Alliance of the 1970s and 1980s.

  1. Anarchist organizations have a long history of involvement with direct democracy and direct action, and the anarchist beliefs and tactics have made significant contributions to the Occupy movement.
  2. The time provided for viewing three-hour athletic events is celebrated in our societies, despite the fact that our societies are constructed to limit the amount of time that individuals have available for participation in general assemblies.
  3. For the past thirty years, neoliberalism has infiltrated every civic molecule, erasing any knowledge of, or practical desire for, alternative ways of doing things.
  4. How far will it be able to push the desire for alternatives?
  5. Each of these communities saw a resurgence of impetus, energy, and a feeling of realignment as a result of the occupation.
  6. Despite the enormous reach and popularity of the 99 percent umbrella movement, there is still a significant gap between the mobilized core of participants and the rest of the public in general.
  7. After Hurricane Sandy’s devastating impact on New Jersey and New York, OWS’s idea of mutual help has seen a tremendous resurrection, which has heightened the importance of this last question.

The majority of people agreed that grassroots, community-based initiatives of this nature were the most effective manifestations of the Occupy ethos of people-caring, and evidence that the Zuccotti Park prototype could be expanded into a resilient outreach program that reached far beyond the traditional OWS constituency.

In addition to being an exercise in mutual help, which many people perceived as a horizontal type of debt relief, this initiative was intended to draw attention to the predatory nature of the credit system as a whole.

This level of engagement illustrates how prevalent the desire remains to strike at the heart of Wall Street’s financial power structure.

A. J. Bauer, Cristina Beltran, Rana Jaleel, and Andrew Ross are the editors of this volume.


“This is what it looks like when democracy is in action.” On the day following Donald Trump’s inauguration, that was the slogan heard over and over again at women’s marches around the country, and it was echoed afterwards in demonstrations in favor of gun control and the Affordable Care Act, in defense of immigrants and refugees, and in support of democracy itself. Those determined gatherings were, in fact, an example of what it means to be a democratic citizen. One of the reasons our nation’s first amendment proclaims the right of the people to peacefully assemble is that it does so directly following the provisions guaranteeing free expression and freedom of the press.

  • Dissenters should be kept locked up in their houses and out of sight, which is one of the key purposes of dictators.
  • Now that Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) is in her third term as Speaker of the House, she faces a difficult political terrain and a large legislative agenda.
  • Voters in our nation transformed the face of government in both a literal and figurative sense through the use of the ballot box, which was bolstered by extraordinary feats of organization and mobilization on the part of citizens.
  • Seeing how democratic elections can empower individuals to effect such significant change in a short period of time was actually inspiring to witness firsthand.
  • People who marched and protested knew that peaceful assembly was just the first step in achieving their aims, as seen by the electoral rebuke delivered to President Trump (measured by the Democratic lead in House elections of roughly 10 million votes).
  • Their strategy for convincing their neighbors to vote for a majority that would stand up to the president and his pliant congressional supporters was devised in that setting.
  • And they were victorious.
  • 1 in order to emphasize the importance of extending democracy while also fighting corruption.
  • Follow the thoughts of E.J.
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Follow However, the heart of the legislation is devoted to making our system more democratic, including automatic voter registration as well as restrictions on voter purges and other measures that governments employ to deny citizens access to the voting box, particularly minorities and the young.

The plan revolves around a new campaign financing structure that is intended to reduce the influence of large money in elections.

Developing a more equitable method of funding politics is essential to achieving democratic egalitarianism, as described by political philosopher Michael Walzer as “a society free from domination” in which there would be “no more bowing and scraping, fawning and toadying.” Creating a more equitable method of funding politics is essential to achieving democratic egalitarianism.

  1. Holder (Second Circuit).
  2. However, this does not diminish its significance.
  3. It entails applying pressure on those who are opposed to reform (as in the case of the peaceable assembly discussed above) and putting up proposals that future electorates can support (see: the New Deal, which brought to life many ideas first floated by progressives in the 1920s).
  4. After all, democracy is what permitted it to exist in the first place, and Trump’s antipathy to democratic standards must be fought at every opportunity.

It is imperative that the world learn from leaders whose answers to our issues entail greater democracy rather than less democracy, particularly at this time of testing for those who cherish democratic institutions.

Figure 4: “This is what democracy looks like!” protest chant.

Th is is What Democracy Sounds Like (2013) investigates methods of creating, distributing, and repairing soundscapes from other, historical protests. As it turns out, this not only helps to shape protesters’ perceptions of the world, but it also encourages them to express themselves through oporu and sprzeciw, as well as creating new, current political attitudes. O’Brien (2013) argues that technologies of nagrywania and masowe rozprzestrzeniania dwiku (particularly in social media) neither preclude nor prohibit the creation of music on the fly, but rather odzwierciedlaj and uzupeniaj it.

  • The first of these is concerned with two songs that were composed following the arrest of Maine’s North Pond Hermit in April of that year.
  • Two new versions of the labor song “Which Side Are You On” are examined in the second research, with a special emphasis on one from Wisconsin and another from Maine.
  • As part of the third research project, two songs composed in reaction to water metering in Ireland are being examined to see how they use diverse tactics to communicate a common worry about the new water charge system as it pertains to being Irish.
  • They are all tied together in some way by the prospect of identity being attacked by more powerful outside forces.
  • Other rhetorical and performance methods, such as comedy, the evocation of prior movements, and the use of digital technologies, are employed in addition to the use of one’s identity.
  • It contends that music and street performances are conceptualized and, as a result, utilized as aural acts of political resistance in the urban environment.
  • The study explores the processes of politisation of soundscape through music as a sort of protest event that takes place in the public sphere within the context of the intersection region of these notions.
  • The use of sound technology to impose authority on large groups of people is the primary focus of this book.
  • Musical parody had an important role in the development of early American political culture.
  • These parodists employed techniques such as mimesis, structural manipulation, reductive dichotomies, inflated claims, and excessive degrees of intertextuality in groups of connected parodies, among other things.

Individual parodies may appear to be fleeting, but a comprehensive assessment of the genre reveals its importance and adaptability within early American political culture. As intellectual satire lost its appeal, parodists transported characteristics of early American humour into more popular genres.

‘This Is What Democracy Looks Like’

(Photo courtesy of Amy McKeever) It appears that an American revolution is more than just a historical footnote on the opening day of the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Following Chestnut Street westward, past the construction crew working on the future Museum of the American Revolution, past the Liberty Bell, and past Independence Hall, Bernie Sanders supporters make their way to Philadelphia’s City Hall to demonstrate their opposition to Hillary Clinton’s nomination for President of the United States of America.

  • Some Berners wave “Never Hillary” placards at passing automobiles, while a local vendor offers soft pretzels and bottles of water to other Sanders supporters who had congregated in the shade of the corridor leading to the City Hall courtyard for shade.
  • The movement is disorganized and dispersed.
  • Many demonstrators appear to be experiencing the same difficulties.
  • And many people are resolved to vote this autumn for a candidate who would compel a re-alignment of that system — whether or not Sanders is on the ballot as a Democratic contender.

In the words of one of the people handing out buttons for Green Party candidate Jill Stein, “Bernie was Plan A, and Jill is Plan B.” “And, in many respects, Jill is a better person than you.” Raven Hill, who is standing on the outskirts of the demonstration, says she is contemplating Stein as a possible Plan B.

Her feelings for Sanders are that “he’s the one I’ve been waiting for forever.” “He embodies everything I hold dear in my heart.” Neither Hillary Clinton nor Donald Trump are viable candidates for president, and Hill does not want to be pushed into choosing between the lesser of two evils in the presidential election.

Nonetheless, she, like many others, is unfamiliar with Stein’s background and worries whether the Green Party’s leader has the necessary skills to serve as president.

“It’s not about who we’re against. It’s what we’re for.”

There is a significant proportion of these protestors out on the street — including Jeff Taylor — who are explicitly critical of Clinton’s stance on hydraulic fracturing. In addition to his work as a heavy equipment operator, 37-year-old Taylor is concerned about the future of the world. And he doesn’t put his faith in Clinton when it comes to the future. As a result, he’s “Bernie or Bust,” and he claims that his fellow protestors — at least the ones he’s met so far — are feeling similarly. He expects that Stein will receive the majority of their votes.

What are his thoughts?

On Sunday, he issued a statement in which he expressed approval for the decision, stating that “the party leadership must always maintain an unbiased stance in the presidential nomination process, something that did not occur during the 2016 campaign.” When it comes to their ballots in November, he, on the other hand, does not agree with his fans.

  1. That is exactly what democracy is all about.
  2. What remains is for a Democratic Senate, a Democratic House, and a Hillary Clinton president to put that program into action, and I intend to do all in my power to see that happen.
  3. They are unable to bear the sight of their candidate being cut down by his own sword.
  4. It makes a difference who loses.
  5. “You’re suggesting that if we don’t support HRC, we’ll vote for Trump,” the young man says.
  6. “That’s exactly what it is,” the elder gentleman states categorically.
  7. When you vote for your ideals and principles, you are not being self-centered.

Only by voting with our beliefs will we be able to win!” (“There are more of us than there are of them,” sings a lady in the background, observing the situation.) The elder gentleman seemed to be annoyed.

Just as quickly as they arrived, the demonstrators from City Hall began flowing down Broad Street, southbound, toward the Wells Fargo Center.

At City Hall, the concept of winning appears to be ambiguous.

Alternatively, how about Stein?

They are dedicated to fight against racial iconography.

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Everywhere along the protest path, the city is adorned with the flags of the 50 states — among which is of course the state flag of Mississippi, which carries the battle flag of the Confederacy in the top left-hand corner of its design.

It is just before 2 p.m.

After pulling out his guitar, Steve Chandy, a 23-year-old Philadelphia native, walks to the stage and leads the group in an arrangement of civil rights anthems.

A ladder is requested by self-appointed representatives who approach cops standing nearby.

He’s attempting to scale the flagpole in order to take it down.

During the second hour of the demonstration, police officials notify those taking part in it that the flag would be taken down the following day at the earliest.

Some intra-protest violence breaks out as the day progresses, and the police are called in to break it up.

However, another group, led by a middle-aged man with a gray Sanders shirt, decides to stick around as well.

And they continue to shout, “Bring a ladder; black lives matter,” for another hour and a half.

Police officers, on the other hand, surround him and prevent his shoelace ruse.

Some officers say something about how the flag shouldn’t even be up there, and another says something about how it should be down.

“I’ll believe it when I see it, dude,” Chandy says while he playing his guitar in the background.

“This is what democracy looks like,” the demonstrators exclaim, their faces beaming with delight.

The vehicle, as well as the majority of the police officers, drives away.

“Thank you, thank you, thank you,” the protesters yell at the police officers as they approach.

He has decided that he will not vote for Clinton.

He was particularly disappointed by the DNC email dump, since he had assumed that Sanders supporters were just concerned about the system being rigged in Clinton’s favor, as had been the case. According to him, “it isn’t about who we are in opposition against.” “It’s what we’re here to do.”

The Protest Chant “Hey Hey Ho Ho” & Two Historical Events: Protest Against Autherine Lucy (1956) & Stanford University Protests (1988)

Azizi Powell was in charge of editing. An informational and demonstrative post on pancocojams about and examples of the use of the unison* protest chant beginning with “Hey Hey Ho Ho” at two specific historical events: the protest against African American Autherine Lucy’s admission to the University of Alabama (1956) and the Stanford University student protests to change the requirement that all students take a Western Civilization course (1999).

  • (1988). The information contained in this site is being provided for historical, cultural, folkloric, and political reasons.
  • Thank you to everyone who has contributed to this article with quotations.
  • -snip-* This is one of several pancocojams entries about unison protest chants (chants that demonstrators shout in unison) and call-response protest chants (chants that protesters speak individually) (chants that a caller leads with one line and other chants respond with another line).
  • Chants of Black Power For more information on protest chants and African American protest chants, see the tags “protest chants” and “African American protest chants” below, or search this blog’s internal search engine.
  • Here’s a snippet from the page in question: “Lucy attended her first lesson on Friday, February 3, 1956, which was her first day of school.
  • Threats were made on her life, and the residence of the University’s president was demolished with rocks.
  • The riots at the University were the most violent anti-integration rally in the United States since Brown’s assassination in 1963.

A lawsuit was launched against the University’s trustees and president, as well as against the dean of women for denying her access to the dining hall and dorms, as well as against four other males (none of whom were affiliated with the University) for their participation in the disturbances.

The University trustees subsequently expelled her permanently on the basis of a technicality that had been hurriedly devised.

The NAACP, believing that further legal action would be futile, chose not to dispute this ruling in court.

Lucy’s expulsion from the University of Alabama was formally revoked by the university in April 1988.

in May 1992.

It was a total 180-degree turn from her first admission to the institution, which launched an endowed scholarship in her honor and revealed a painting of her in the student union, a complete 180-degree turn from her initial admission.

The Plaza is just across the street from Foster Auditorium, where Alabama Governor George Wallace fought unsuccessfully in 1963 to prevent Malone and Hood from enrolling at the University of Alabama.

“Hey, hey, hey!

(Person/thing) must be removed from the scene!” “Hey, hey!

(Person/thing) has got to go!” is a popular protest slogan that has been ingrained in the public consciousness.

In 1956, when Autherine Lucy (a black student) sought to gain admission to the University of Alabama, the cry was perhaps used for the first time in a political context in the state of Alabama.


of Alabama Trustees Bar Negro Student,” Chicago (IL) Daily Tribune, 7 February 1956, sec.

3: Many in the audience waved Confederate colors and sang, “Hey, hey, ho, ho, Autherine gotta go,” according to the newspaper’s report.

1, cols.

(.) Lucy said that she overheard a chanting throng.

“Hey, hey, ho.

where did that Negro go?” “Hey, hey, ho, ho, Autherine has to go,” says the gang.

Travel south to the land of sadness.

On page 168, it says: There were a bunch of inebriated fraternity members yelling things like “Hey hey, ho ho, where the heck did the nier* go?” “Hey, hey, ho ho, Autherine has to go,” says the band.

The administrator of that site, Barry Popik, claims that the “Hey Hey Ho Ho” cry originated with a Mason City, Iowa, band in 1933: “21 February 1933, Mason City (IA) Globe-Gazette, pp.

1 ad: BIG DANCE” ON SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 25, THE MASON CITY ARMORY The Viking orchestra performs a series of catchy tunes.

Hey, Hey, Ho, Ho, Ho, Ho, Ho, Ho, Ho!

**** PROTESTS BY STUDENTS AT SANFORD UNIVERSITY Stanford is likely to change its Western Culture program as a result of a disagreement over bias.

The following is an excerpt from the article: “PALO ALTO, Calif.— A year after the event, Stanford University students are still talking about the march with the Rev.

A new course at Stanford, one that would emphasize the contributions of minorities and women to Western culture, was being celebrated, and the students yelled, ‘Hey hey, ho ho, Western civilization has got to go,” as they walked around the campus.

Although the cry did not explicitly demand equal time for minority contributions to American civilisation, it did express a demand that is anticipated to be embraced by the faculty in coming weeks.

A new year-long requirement termed “culture, ideas, and values” would be introduced in its stead, requiring students to learn about and engage with at least one non-Western culture, as well as “works by women, minorities, and individuals of color.” It is hoped that the controversy over the curriculum, which has undertones of 1960s protest, would reignite a long-running debate in American educational policy.” ****From In a time when protests in support of the solipsistic flavor of the month are roiling American campuses, university leaders should look to the demand of these Stanford students, who seek an invigorating curriculum that values honest dialogue, toleration, and context as a model for 21st-century higher education.

With the initiative, a decades-old argument over the usefulness of learning a shared Western culture has been resurrected once again.


“, putting pressure on the government.

Ultimately, the goal was to create a more “inclusive” curriculum that focused on multiculturalism as well as gender identity and ethnicity.

-snip- To that 1988 demonstration, here’s an addendum: By Kathryn Blackhurst, author of University Rejects Requiring Its Students to Take “Racist” and “Sexist” Western Civilization Courses, in the New York Times.

The Daily Caller reports that although some Stanford students advocated for the university to approve a referendum requiring all students to study Western Civilization, the motion was defeated by a vote of 1,992 to 342 in favor.

**** Thank you for stopping by pancocojams. Comments from visitors are encouraged.

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